KRIEGSHEIM MENNONITE/QUAKER HISTORY IS UM HISTORY!!!!

ADDITIONAL BITS & PIECES FROM RUTH'S BOOK

 

Ruth, John L, MAINTAINING THE RIGHT FELLOWSHIP, Studies in Anabaptist and Mennonite History, No. 26, a narrative account of life in the oldest Mennonite Community in North America, Herald Press, Scottdale, PA 15683 and Kitchener, Ontario 1984. Library of Congress #83-18579; ISBN 0-8361-1259-8.

Of the material I've seen written in English, Ruth's is my favorite, and he seems to agree with original documents in his mention of Hans Peter, so it is his information I'm using to give us our insights into Kriegsheim history. That said, we must still always view any information in light of more recent discoveries. These bits and pieces from Ruth's book, although not directly relating to Nicholas or Hans Peter, give us a good idea of what was going on around them. If it is ever established that Hans Peter became a Quaker, this will become even more important. Above all else, though, had Kriegsheim Mennonite/Quaker history not happened as it did, it is unlikely that Hans Peter would have come to this country, and had he not come, none of his U.S. descendants would have ever been born. That makes this OUR history!!!!

There is MUCH more information in Ruth's book on Krefeld and the other Germantown families. I have limited the material presented here to only that which is relevant to Kriegsheim and Hans Peter. I recommend reading Ruth's book for fuller understanding. A copy may be obtained from Lancaster Mennonite Historical Society, 2215 Millstream Road, Lancaster, PA 17602, phone: 717-393-9745, fax: 717-393-8751, email: lmhs@lmhs.org.

Chapter 1
"For the Sake of Their Faith"
1648-1681

Page 25

"In a little vine-growing village on the Pfrimm River a two-hour westward walk from the free imperial city of Worms, a man stared into the eastern sky before daylight in April 1665. A bright, long-tailed comet, seeming to point toward the earth, filled him with misgivings. It was the third of such stars to appear in the last quarter-year. 'What they mean,' mused Yillisz Kassel, father of one of a dozen local Mennonite families, 'I am afraid many people will learn with sorrow and misery.' The glowing tail of the star looked to him like a rod - the sign of God's wrath for disobedient human beings."

COMMENT - Fifteen years later, another comet was seen by Nicholas Umstatt (16 December 1680) - recorded in Hans Peter's Bible.

"Yillisz (Julius or Yillis) Kassel, whose family would carry his rough sketches of the three comets to the forests of a transatlantic colony, was hardly jumping to conclusions. 'For in the year 1618,' he recalled somberly, 'I also saw the great comet star.' (1) 1618! History pupils for centuries to come would recognize the year as the beginning of the sustained catastrophe they were taught to call the 'Thirty Years' war.' And the common people of the Palatinate who endured it, as had Yillisz and his family, could only recall this interminable 'great misery in Germany' with the bleakest of feelings.

"The fertile Rhineland, by virtue of its central location and wealth of food, had become the cockpit of brawling Christian nationalities - Catholic, Lutheran, and Reformed - trying to maintain or redefine Europe politically and religiously. It was a war to be remembered for its unspeakable bitterness, by the people whose farmland it tormented. No atrocity too gross had been left uninvented, no known store of food unrifled, no castle or farmstead or village within reach unwrecked."

Page 26

"And when, in 1648, it had ended in exhaustion in the Peace of Westphalia, with hardly a stone on top of another, wolves roaming empty lanes, once-lush fields scrub-forested, and, in places, a tenth of the population left, the old Catholic German Empire had become a shell. Sixty-one cities and some 300 petty princes paid lip service to it, the map of their holdings a splotchy puzzle.

"The largest piece in the Rhineland was the 'electoral' Palatinate (Kurpfalz), straddling the north-flowing Rhine, pocked by free cities like Worms and Speyer, and crazy-patched with dozens of other little duchies and earldoms. The elector was headquartered in Heidelberg, just east of the Rhine, where the huge castle looked down over the Neckar. Yillisz Kassel's hamlet of Kriegsheim was in Palatine holdings, and thus under the administration of the elector (Kurfürst) himself, but at one edge it touched the little Leiningen-Dagsburg-Falkenburg earldom. However small, each such hereditary realm had its ruined castle and wasted fields. Villages, or even single farmsteads, called 'hofs,' might be divided among two or three baronies or church properties, each with its peculiar set of taxes, tithes, and excises. Small farmers might own modest plots, but their feudal landlords still lived by inherited, multiple, and endless revenues.

"Some twenty communities in the general area of Kriegsheim, just west of the sprawling and multi-channeled Rhine, had in a recent census been designated as containing Mennonite inhabitants. Yillisz Kassel's name had been ninth on a list of such people as Jan Clemens of neighboring Niederflörsheim, Peter Bechtel of Gundersheim, Peter Schumacher of Osthofen, Heinrich Fritt of Aspisheim, Heinrich Kolb and Thomas Rohr of Wolfsheim, Jan Bliem of Spiesheim, Johannes Herrstein of Obersülzen, Heinrich Jansen of Rodenbach, and Heinrich Kassel of Gerolsheim. (2) These families, unlike the Mennonites of Holland, were not really citizens of their 'country,' the Palatinate (in German called the Pfalz). As 'Manisten' (Mennonites) they were rather 'tolerated' people who paid, as did the local Jews, special taxes for the privilege of living and working among the citizens. They did not fit any of the three religious categories - Catholic, Lutheran, and Reformed - that were recognized under the treaties made at the end of the Thirty Years' War. Nor were they appreciated by the clergy of the three official churches. These pastors felt that they had enough of a struggle to administer their decimated parishes without the irritating presence of people who looked after their own spiritual concerns, did not 'go to church' or the official statement, 'let their children run about unbaptized,' sometimes held 'their services boldly in the forest,' and even had the audacity to 'solemnize marriages' on their own. (3) What would happen to society in general if such social variety were tolerated?"

COMMENT - UMs have been found in Gerolsheim.

Page 28

"There had been a continuing presence of these stubborn people in the Palatinate since the early days of the Protestant 'Reformation,' shortly after Martin Luther had defied emperor and pope at the imperial congress in the nearby town of Worms. Before the Thirty Years' War they had been called 'Baptizers' (Täufer), or even, more ominously, 'Re-baptizers' (Wiedertäufer, Anabaptists), and they had often been linked in the popular memory to the violent Anabaptist radicals who had, in the early days of the Reformation, established by force an abortive 'kingdom' in the Westphalian city of Münster. A few years before the war had broken out, no fewer than 106 members of this group had been counted in Kriegsheim itself - between half and a third of the local population. (4) Though they could be harried from village to village, it seemed impossible to stamp out their fellowships. The Herrstein family, complained one local pastor, 'will not let themselves be instructed or converted, even if they were to be immediately fried in oil.' (5)

"Once the war was ended, however, their notorious diligence attracted the favor of the new elector, the Protestant Karl Ludwig (1648-80), who needed nothing more urgently than settlers to restore his ravaged land. His mild immigration policies drew not only Catholics, Lutherans, and Reformed, but Mennonites and even a small Bruderhof of Hutterites from far-off Moravia as well. And so the surviving Palatine Anabaptist communities shortly became the base for new settlements of harassed fellow-believers from both north (the 'Siebengebirge' area) and south (Switzerland and Alsace). Whereas Catholic, Lutheran, and Reformed pastors jealously resented their coming, the government - or more accurately the elector himself - from economic motives - was more tolerant. Already in 1652 the church office in Niederflörsheim, the next village north of Kriegsheim, was complaining that foreign 'Anabaptists,' adherents of a 'dangerous, obstinate sect,' had slipped into their community. (6) In the same years, east of the Rhine in the Kraichgau district south of Heidelberg, secret forest meetings of newly arrived Swiss Anabaptists were occurring. Thus occurred that mixing of Dutch-speaking Rhenish Mennonites with German-speaking Palatine and Swiss Anabaptists that in another half century would establish strong new communities between the Delaware and Schuylkill Rivers in North America.

"Shortly after the Peace of 1648, as a little room was being opened for Anabaptists in the wasted Palatinate, especially hard times descended upon Mennonites a hundred miles north in the 'Lower Rhine' area, above and below Krefeld 'in the land of the Muers,' in the duchies of Jülich and Cleves and in the Siebengebirge region of present-day Bonn. Here some five or six hundred Mennonites, toughened by a century of persecution, had first won a toehold in the cottage weaving industry of the region, and then threatened to dominate it. Since they tended to take such good care of each other, and had what seemed to others to be an uncanny network for letting each other know of available land or economic opportunities, they were sometimes resented. Like Jews, they were highly motivated, and knew their living lay not in their social status but in their work. They were by heritage religiously separate and self-sufficient."

Page 30

"The town of Krefeld itself had a long-standing reputation for extraordinary tolerance, and so Mennonite weavers, bleachers, and dyers tended to resettle there, bringing the town eventual wealth, by their productivity, that far surpassed that of the neighboring towns that had banished them. In this region lived the parents of the people who would be founders of 'Germantown.'

Ruth goes on to discuss the Mennonites' mistreatment and expulsion from their towns, which led some to Krefeld, but since "Not everyone could move to the town of Krefeld ... it was the Palatinate, where 'High German' rather than 'Low Dutch' was spoken and where officials admitted there was 'more than too much open space,' that became for some of these harassed people the best option. We may observe Arnold Schomecker's widow and her children selling the family 'house and hof' at Niederdollendorf, 'for the sake of their faith.' Three of the six children are still minors. Loading their 'movables' on a boat, they sail upstream, toward Mainz, from which they will eventually reach and settle in Kriegsheim, the Palatine home of Yillisz Kassel. (8) Perhaps, for all we know, the Kassels themselves are part of this migration. In any case, Peter Shomecker (Schumacher), one of the oldest sons, will one day be a citizen of Germantown, and his Kolb grandsons will be among the founders of the daughter settlement, Skippack."

Page 36

"On … October 23, (1661), to their great dismay, the electoral regime decreed a major fine of 100 Reichstaler, each person having been caught at the meeting to be assessed proportionately to his means. (17) Again they protested in vain. They were told that they might now again meet in peace, but that on every such occasion there was to be a fine strictly reckoned for each person present, young or old. A religious head tax, in other words. The same arrangement was imposed on the other side of the Rhine at Wolfsheim, home of the Heinrich Kolb family northwest of Yillisz Kassel's Kriegsheim. There too an angry church inspector reported meetings of over 200 persons among the Anabaptists, whose fellowship had lately been augmented by new Swiss immigrants. Further, he claimed, the Anabaptists were trying to mislead members of the Reformed Church. (18)

"The consternation which now spread among the Palatine Mennonites was complicated at Kriegsheim by a recent division in the congregation. Some six years earlier, very soon after the Dutch-speaking immigrants from the Lower Rhine had arrived, an itinerating English Quaker minister named William Ames had been in the community, preaching a Christianity as stringent as that of the Mennonites, but much more outspoken, and with another kind of orientation to governmental authority. The Quakers preached against the payment of such taxes as served for military exemptions, or which purchased the right to hold public worship. No monetary price, they insisted, could be set on such things. Honor should be given to God, not human beings; thus, hats should not be taken off in deference to officials or anyone else."

Page 37

"Ames won not only a hearing but also a number of converts from the Kriegsheim community, including members of the Hendricks, Schomecker (now Schumacher), and eventually the Kassel families. Other Quaker missionaries traveled about the Continent preaching fearlessly, often with jail-stays as their reward, and winning small groups of converts, though only in Mennonite communities. One of the Kriegsheim converts, Jan Hendricks, traveled with William Ames on a preaching mission as far as Danzig.

"Ames and others who followed in the work actually made friends with the elector himself, as well as with his sister Elizabeth. On occasion they were invited to dine with this unusual prince in his castle, where he displayed a cordiality and willingness to hear the case of their 'Friends' which they interpreted as love. He gave no evidence of displeasure when they ate at the table in his or other noble persons' presence without removing their hats, or when they addressed him with the familiar 'du und dich' - 'thee and thou.' More than once, claimed these Quakers in their letters home, the elector told them not to obey the mean-spirited Reformed churchmen who denied them their normal rights. He excused the behavior of the state clergy by saying that their support was a political necessity in his state. At times the Quakers thought they were on the verge of receiving full tolerance by electoral fiat, but eventually they learned that the prince's personal friendliness was one thing, and the practical functioning of the Reformed and Lutheran clergy, whose friendship he also cultivated, another.

"At any rate, there were now two sectarian congregations for the Kriegsheim officials to worry about. The Quakers made more difficulty by their refusal of some of the traditional taxes the Mennonites had been willing to pay. When the local Reformed clergy understood that these people would now decline to pay the 'tithes' which helped pay salaries in the state church, the Quakers were regarded as 'the offensiveist, the irregularist, and perturbatiousest people that are of any sect.' (19) But as their leader, ex-Mennonite Hans or Jan Philip Labach protested, 'It seems strange to us that money is demanded from us for payment regarding the freedom of our conscience and meeting.' In such matters of faith 'no assessment can be made … nor money charged.' (20) The Mennonites, on the other hand, while they complained over the raising of their taxes for freedom from guard duty, mentioned only their poverty - they said they barely had bread - and the economically draining task of restoring unproductive fields. (21)

Page 38

"Holding out stoutly against the taxes, the Kriegsheim Quakers finally saw seven of their men jailed, with heavy confiscations made on their property. Eight cows were taken. George and Peter Schumacher, having arrived only five years earlier, each lost a bedstead, possibly the main furniture they had brought up the Rhine when expelled from their ancestral home. Hendrick Gerretsen, whose son would one day live in America, lost two cows. Cabbage and turnips and sheep and swine were likewise forcibly taken and sold to satisfy the guard-duty and meeting taxes in the spring of 1664." (22)

"All this unhealthy commotion deeply disturbed the mayor of Kriegsheim. By refusing the taxes, some of which, he claimed, were ancient and never previously questioned by the Mennonites, and not even letting crops lie in the field where they could be quietly picked up, the Quakers have caused, he complained, 'such confusion … among the common people that nobody wants to obey anyone else any more, so that an uprising is to be feared in the whole community, and the best inhabitants will leave the village of Kriegsheim and settle elsewhere. (23) At the same time the Mennonites filed a complaint of another kind of trouble - the attempts of certain people in the community to reclaim from Mennonite ownership, paying only the original price, the properties these recent immigrants had rebuilt. The Mennonites appealed directly to the elector that this practice of Auslösungsrecht should be disallowed. If this is not done, they inform their prince, 'very many people who have already pretty much made up their minds to move from Holland to the Electoral Palatinate will be frightened off an stay back.' (24)

The Mennonite-toleration issue was now reaching a crisis. English Quaker missionaries returned periodically to strengthen their precious flock at Kriegsheim, once with the ostensible reason of helping their friends with the wine harvest. Missionary Ames was able to visit the elector, where he told of the difficulties of the Kriegsheim Friends. Around the same time a written appeal came from the Mennonites of the Alzey district, which included Kriegsheim. This congregation too hoped for a better hearing from their prince than from local religious officials. The poll tax or fine for holding meetings, they claimed, was higher than they had the resources to pay. 'We had greatly rejoiced, certainly, when we heard that we might live in the dear fatherland … to enjoy freedom and the exercise [of our religion] and your Electoral most serene Highness's most gracious protection, and in response to this not only brought our possessions and livelihood, but applied and spent our bodily strength, in order to bring into a handsome up-building and improvement the wastage of houses and property, and we also caused many of our relatives in the faith to come into the land, so that it might be re-inhabited.' But now, if no relief from the recently imposed fines is to be had, 'dire need will force us to leave the dear fatherland and bring us into misery.' There is no danger, these Mennonites imply, of any civil disobedience on their part, outside of these impossible taxes. They are 'willing,' in fact, 'to render the most devoted obedience with body and property, so far as we can.'" (25)

Page 39

"The elector, who was loath to lose the economic benefit of his Mennonite farmers, finally reacted with a special 'Concession,' issued on August 4, 1664. Acknowledging the Mennonite peculiarity of abstaining from defense and war activities, he reminds his officials that the Palatinate nevertheless has the highest need for subjects who can 'rebuild and bring into proper condition' the emptied countryside. Therefore, after an exact registry of Mennonites had been drawn up, they may be allowed to meet in their villages for worship but in groups representing no more than twenty families, and without allowing any members of the official churches to attend. Any Mennonite who fails to be registered will be severely fined, and other inhabitants are to give such a person no lodging. In return for this declared 'freedom,' each Mennonite household will be charged six guilders a year, under the title, 'Mennonite Recognition Money.'" (26)

Page 40

"But hardly had the Mennonite Registry been recorded, listing some ninety families west and north of Worms, when another misery descended on the struggling local villages. Troops of marauding soldiers, involved in one of the recurrent border battles the elector was too weak to control, once again threatened the safety and prosperity of the area."

"After many months of suspense, the chaos subsided … The countryside was still in an appalling condition."

[In 1667], "the greatest single influx of Mennonite refugees into the Palatinate was still three or four years in the future. This was to result from the climactic efforts of the Reformed pastors of the Swiss Canton of Bern, several hundred miles south of the Palatinate, to convert or rid themselves, once and for all, of the Anabaptists in their parishes. Those who would not take an oath of allegiance to the Canton of Bern were given two weeks to leave."

Page 42

"By November 2, 1671, 200 of them were reported as arriving, destitute, in the Mennonite communities of the Palatinate, with bundles on their backs and children in their arms."

"By the beginning of 1672 no less than 787 of such Bernese refugees were reported as having streamed north into the Palatine Mennonite communities, 359 west of the Rhine, and 428 on the east." (31)

"The Dutch Mennonite churches, touched to the heart, send substantial gifts of 15,446 guilders back to the Palatinate during that 'Anxious Year' of 1672." (33)

Page 45

"Why all these strands of local history? Because they are the preparation of that spiritual family which, having mixed itself together in the Palatinate, would, first in 1683, and then again from 1707 to 1774, transplant a part of itself to American soil … Before we see that process of transplantation beginning, we must meet another man and another community - both Quaker.

"That man, of course, is William Penn … "

Page 46

"After a meeting with the Quakers of tiny Kriegsheim that was attended by 'a coachful' of curious dignitaries from nearby Worms, Penn's party went on to Mannheim in hopes of another Quaker interview with Elector Karl Ludwig. The ruler having unfortunately just left for his headquarters in Heidelberg, Penn sent his thoughts in a letter. He commended the 'Great Prince' for his 'indulgence' to religious dissenters, and asked 'what encouragement a colony of virtuous and industrious families might hope the receive' to 'transplant themselves into' the Palatinate. It was, of course, far from Penn's imagination that he himself should, in another five years, be owner of a territory larger than the Palatinate. He called the elector's attention to the little flock of 'Friends at Kriegsheim,' who just the day before had been forbidden by local officials to hold meetings. This, Penn wrote, contradicted the indulgence the elector himself had allowed. (41)

"Making a quick trip by Rhine boat and on foot, Penn's little party arrived the next morning, a Sunday, back in Kriegsheim, where a good many of the villagers were present for a Quaker meeting." … "But as to Penn here issuing them an invitation to follow him to the New World, as historians have liked to suggest, there could have been small likelihood. As we have seen, Penn was still considering the Palatinate empty enough to be itself a goal for migrants.

"The Kriegsheim meeting, Penn felt, was a 'good' one, with 'the Lord's power sweetly opened to those present.' Behind the barn in which they met stood the local constable, suspiciously listening at the door. He heard nothing, he later reported to the local clergymen, 'but what was good.' In the evening the seven-family Quaker congregation met again by themselves, when their visitors were greatly impressed by the 'lovely, sweet, and true sense among' them. 'They were greatly comforted in us,' wrote Penn of those Hendrickses, Kassels, and Schumachers. 'Poor hearts! A little handful surrounded with great and mighty countries of darkness …' (42) The next day, after still another meeting, Penn's party walked back to Worms with several Kriegsheimers. He had begun an acquaintance which, in less than a decade, would blossom in an as yet undreamed of American village of 'Germans,' where he and George Keith, a Scottish Quaker who had come along on the tour, would meet again some of the people to whom he had preached here in Kriegsheim near the Rhine."

Page 47

"This missionary trip may have been the occasion, at Kriegsheim, when Johannes Kassel, apparently son of Yillisz, became a Quaker. Among his Kassel relatives this move caused unhappiness. Hinrich Kassel, minister or perhaps bishop at nearby Gerolsheim, issued a 'writing' about this time, entitled An Exposé of the Quakers or Tremblers, in which he expressed his deep grief that some of his Mennonite blood-relatives had become Quakers, and now stood in opposition to him and his family. A quick retort by a Quaker, The Exposer Exposed, appeared in Amsterdam in 1678. (44)

"Just at this time, another small Quaker congregation was taking shape some 200 miles down the Rhine from the Palatinate, in the old linen-weaving town of Krefeld." (Ruth continues with information on Krefeld).

Page 49

We have arrived at the year 1681, in which Charles the Second, 'By the grace of God King of England Scotland France and Ireland,' set his signature to an ornate parchment granting William Penn an unmeasured tract of land north of Maryland, west of the Delaware, and 'as far' northward 'as plantable.' For this colony, Penn preferred the name 'New Wales,' being 'much opposed' to 'Pennsylvania,' which he feared 'should be lookt on as a vanity in me …' But when the name was fixed, he accepted it, and confessed he believed God would 'bless and make it the seed of a nation.' (49)

Page 56
Chapter 2
"Only Ancient Forest"
1682-1700

"Of Sypman the Mennonite and resident of Krefeld, we know the least. He was the only one of the three [Sypman, Streypers, and Telner] who would never visit the planned-for colony in whose finances he was becoming involved. Most of his 5,000 acres would not even be laid out by the time he would sell his rights to them a decade and a half later. When they would be located for the next purchaser, they would turn out to be an area called 'Skippack.' (10)

Page 58
" … Pastorius was looking for a corps of workers to accompany him on the voyage, and help open the new settlement in preparation for the arrival of the Frankfurt Pietist owners themselves. One place he went as he got ready was a village we know - Kriegsheim, west of Worms down along the Rhine. We can guess that the reason he knew about Kriegsheim had something to do with Penn's earlier visit to both Kriegsheim and Frankfurt on his tour of five years before. At any rate, in Kriegsheim Pastorius conferred with Quakers (and ex-Mennonites) Peter Schumacher, Gerhard Hendricks, and Arnold Kassel, all of whom would, in a few years, follow him to America. At this moment, only one Schumacher, a Jacob said to be from Mainz, was ready to go along. (16)

COMMENT - Ruth is only quoting Hull here, so this may or may not be correct information. I THINK I saw something else that says it's doubtful that Pastorius ever visited Kriegsheim, but I'm not sure what, or which is correct. If I run into it again, I will add it here later.

 

Ruth's sources for these excerpts only - Chapter 1

(1) Yillisz Kasel, "Clagspruch in Krankbet," 22 pp. MS at MSHL, p.22
["Lamentation in Sickbed." Menno Simons Historical Library, at Eastern Mennonite College, Harrisonburg, VA]

(2) Harold S Bender, ed., "Palatine Mennonite Census Lists, 1664-1775," MQR, XIV (January 1940), 8-10.
[Mennonite Quarterly Review]

(3) "Palatinate," ME, IV, 110.
[Mennonite Encyclopedia]

(4) Gerhard Hein, "Zwei neue Quellenfunde zur Geschichte der Täufer in der Kurpfalz," Der Mennonit, XXV (January 1972), 208.
["Two New Resources for the History of the Baptizers in the Kurpfalz"]

(5) Gerhard Hein, "Die Herkunft der pfälzischen Mennoniten," Pfalzer-Palatines, ed. Karl Sherer (Kaiserslautern, 1981), 208
["The Origin of the Palatine Mennonites"]

(6) Christian Neff, "Geschichtliches aus der Gemeinde Monsheim," Mennonitische Blätter LIX (February 1912), 11.
["History of the Monsheim Community"]

(8) Walter Risler, "Täufer im bergischen Amt Löwenburg, Siebengebirge," II, Mennonitische Geschichtsblätter, XIII (1956), 40-41 [Baptizers in the mountainous Löwenberg, Siegengebirge District]

(17) "Wolfsheim," ME, IV, 970-971
[Mennonite Encyclopedia]

(18) Ibid

(19) William I Hull, William Penn and the Dutch Quaker Migration to Pennsylvania (Swarthmore, Pa., 1935), 175-276
[Hull's references to Hans Peter in Hans Peter Bibliography on this site]

(20) Paul Michel, "Täufer, Mennoniten und Quäker in Kriegsheim bei Worms," Der Wormsgau, VII (1965-66), 44 ("Sonderdruck aus 'Der Wormsgau" Siebenter Band").
[Michel's references to Hans Peter in Hans Peter Bibliography on this site]

(21) Neff, 11

(22) Michel, 22

(23) Neff, 11

(24) Ibid

(25) Ibid, 12

(26) "Palatinate," ME, IV, 110
[Mennonite Encyclopedia]

(32) Bender, 13

(33) J. Ijntema, "Mennonites of the Netherlands," MQR, XI (January 1937), 27.
[Mennonite Quarterly Review]

(41) Hull, 280-284

(42) William Penn, Journal of William Penn While Visiting Holland and Germany in 1677 (Philadelphia 1878), 79

(44) B.C. Rosen, Geschichte der Mennoniten-Gemeinde zu Hamburg und Altona, "Erste Hälfte" (Hamburg, 1886), 60n
[History of the Mennonites in Hamburg and Altona, "First Half"]

(49) Sylvester K Stevens, Pennsylvania: Birthplace of a Nation (New York, 1964), 31

Ruth's sources - Chapter 2

(10) Samuel W. Pennypacker, The Settlement of Germantown, 258-259

(16) Hull, 181n

SEE ALSO Ruth's direct references to Hans Peter (1983 Ruth)

See also Hans Peter's Passport Requests
See also Hans Peter's Rotterdam Deed

See also Nicholas Original Records
See also Kriegsheim census
See also Gerolsheim

See also Rhine and Palatinate Maps

See also pic of Elector Karl Ludwig
Back to Hans Peter Bibliography

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1 March 2003